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August, 2010 - LETTRE OUVERTE AU PRESIDENT DE LA REPUBLIQUE ET AU PREMIER MINISTRE DE COTE D’IVOIRE A PROPOS DES CAS DE DOUBLONS ALPHANUMERIQUES APPELES A1 ET A3 DANS LA METHODOLOGIE DU CONTENTIEUX SUR LA LISTE ELECTORALE

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ANALYSE DU CONTEXTE
La défaillance de l’État civil ivoirien a favorisé au fil des années 3 catégories d’ivoiriens qui se trouvent dans l’illégalité aujourd’hui.

Première catégorie :
Du fait de l’absence, ou de l’éloignement des maternités d’une part, du manque d’argent pour payer le timbre à l’Etat civil, d’autre part, plusieurs enfants nés dans les milieux ruraux ou dans les milieux défavorisés sont restés sans extrait de naissance et n’ont pu bénéficier des audiences foraines jadis organisées par les sous préfets. Beaucoup de ces enfants ont dû quitter l’école au Cours Moyen 2 ou CM2 par faute de document d’état civil pour prendre part au CEPE et à l’entrée en 6è. Ces enfants d’hier, sont aujourd’hui des adultes sans papier faussant ainsi le nombre d’habitants base de toute planification de développement.

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QUARTERLY HIGHLIGHTS OF ACTIVITIES, APRIL – JUNE, 2010

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Overview of the Security Situation in West Africa
In Zone One (Cape Verde, Gambia, Guinea Bissau and Senegal), the general political and security situation during the quarter could be described as somewhat tense. Apart from Cape Verde, the remaining three countries experienced some incidents that posed challenges to the political and security order. Guinea Bissau, yet again, came close to another military take-over. On 1 April, troops under the command of the then-Deputy Chief of General Staff, Major General António Indjai, took control of the armed forces’ headquarters, detaining the Chief of General Staff, Vice Admiral José Zamora Induta, and briefly holding Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Júnior. Military personnel later stormed the UN office in Bissau in search of Rear Admiral Bubo Na Tchto, who was seeking refuge in the premises. Rear Admiral Bubo Na Tchto left the UN building after signing a statement that he was leaving on his own accord.

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July, 2010 - The 6th Regional Conference of WIPNET Appraised 10 Years of National Actions and Experiencesof the Domestication of Resolution 1325 in West Africa

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With the support of John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, 51 participants representing Civil Society and Government of the 15 ECOWAS countries, the Offices of UNIFEM, the Africa Union, the Gender Unit of the UN peacekeeping mission (UNOCI) in Cote d’Ivoire, the National Secretariat of Solidarity and War Victims converged in Grand Bassam, Cote d’Ivoire on 20th and 21st July 2010 under the auspices of the 6th regional conference of the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET) of WANEP on the theme: ‘10 years of Domesticating UNSCR 1325 and Women Participation in Peace Processes –An Appraisal of National Efforts in West Africa’.

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July, 2010 - WHAT IS HUMAN SECURITY and NATIONAL SECURITY?

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WHAT IS HUMAN SECURITY and NATIONAL SECURITY?

By Justin Bayor
National Network Coordinator
GHANEP (WANEP Ghana)

In order to understand human security, it is essential to first look at the orthodox approach to security. The orthodox approach or westphalian concept of security, has its roots in the rise of the modern nation state in seventeenth century Europe. The first and perhaps the most significant factor shaping the behaviour of states was the idea that the international system was fundamentally anarchic with no overall governing authority to enforce rules, norms, laws, or more widely, some conception of international justice.

In such a self-help system, no state could be sure that its security would be guaranteed by any other body no matter how firm an alliance might appear at any given time. The supposed universal rationality of state actors meant that they would, by and large, converge around similar international policies and aspire to similar goals in order to render themselves as secure as possible in what was a perpetually insecure system. Most important to this assumption was a military framework that served to act as a minimum deterrent to external aggressors who could threaten the sovereignty of the state, embodied in its territory, boundaries, political institutions, and the general population’s right to self-determination.

What was therefore important for orthodox security on the basis of these assumptions was that in the international realm states pursued policies that were above the demands of any single group in society. The state society relationship, therefore, was separated from international relations, and this separation was necessary for security in the domestic realm. The interest of national security were said to be above and beyond those of any single group in domestic politics simply because if a state was not externally secure, there could be little hope of the goals of domestic politics (the good life for example) ever being realised. Thus, the state was the neutral arena within which the complexities of domestic political and social life could be played out.

However, dissatisfaction started growing with the orthodox or westphalian concept of security, one which reified the state and sanctioned the use of military power in defence against threats to territorial autonomy and domestic political order. This tradition was blind to the polymorphous nature of social power-gender, class, ethnicity, religion and age-and its development within and across territorial boundaries. The inter-sections between the various power bases created complex matrices of human rights abuse within the domestic jurisdiction of many nation-states. These abuses either remained invisible or were purposely concealed in the name of national security and social and/or cultural order. In addition, new non-military security issues with human rights implications emerged and acquired trans-national characteristics in conjunction with the intensification of global economic integration.

The dissatisfaction thus witnessed a fundamental departure from the traditional or orthodox realists thinking of security, which views the state as the exclusive primary referent object. Instead, human beings and their complex social and economic relations have now been given primacy with or over states, in line with the neoliberalist view of security.

Therefore, in today’s world ‘when we think about security we need to think beyond battalions and borders. We need to think about human security, about winning a different war, the fight against poverty.’ The UNDP notes that ‘For too long, the concept of security has been shaped by the potential for conflict between states. For too long, security has been equated with threats to a country’s borders. For too long, nations have sought arms to protect their security. For most people today, a feeling of insecurity arises more from worries about daily life than from the dread of a cataclysmic world event. Job security, health security, environmental security, security from crime, these are the emerging concerns of human security all over the world’.
Thus, human security, sometimes defined as 'Freedom from fear' and 'freedom from want' has now become the catch phrase of an approach to security in the post cold war era. Often referred to as 'people-centred security' or 'security with a human face', human security emphasizes the complex relationships and often-ignored linkages between human dignity, human rights, human poverty and development. Today all security discussions demand incorporation of the human dimension.

But for some scholars, human security is both about ‘the ability to protect people as well as to safeguard states’, whilst in some human security formulations such as that of former Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy, human needs rather than states needs are paramount. Axworthy believes this to be so in the aftermath of the cold war as intrastate conflicts have become more prevalent than interstate conflicts.
Human security is in essence an effort to construct a society where the safety of the individual is at the centre of the priorities..,; where human rights standards and the rule of law are advanced and woven into a coherent web protecting the individual...’’. The United Nations Commission on Human Security, defines human security as ‘the protection of the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfilment, which stresses the importance of opportunities and choices to all human life”.

It is also important to note that all proponents of ‘human security’ agree that its primary goal is the protection of individuals. But consensus breaks down over what threats individuals should be protected from. Proponents of a narrow concept of human security, focus on violent threats to individuals, while proponents of a wider concept of human security argue that the threat agenda should be broadened to include hunger, disease and natural disasters because these kill far more people than war, genocide and terrorism combined.

In this light, National Security is not just about the security of the state. It is about the security of the state and also the security of the individuals within the state. It is basically about the protection of the individuals within the state whiles upholding the state. It is about protecting the individuals against violence as well as from hunger, disease, disaster etc. If lots of people are unemployed, then they are hungry and therefore it is a national security issue. If farmers’ crops are being destroyed by Fulani herdsmen and they go hungry, then it is a national security threat. In brief, National Security is both about the ability to protect individuals within a state as well as safeguard the state.
 

July, 2010 - GHANEP uses soccer for Peace

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GHANEP uses soccer for Peace

By Albert Yelyang

The balls being presented to the captain of the Bamvim team

Following violence that erupted somewhere in 2008 at Bamvim-Dohini, in the Tamale Metropolis between two chieftaincy factions led by Yahaya Manguli and Haruna Abu, and the simmering tensions thereof, the Ghana Network for Peacebuilding (GHANEP) also called WANEP Ghana, through its Ghana Alert Project (GAP) embarked on non-violent and peace sensitization activities in the community between October and December 2009. One of the outcomes was the need to reduce tension by increasing interaction among the youth.

After intervening with the Police in a death threat which came after the murder of the chief of Gare Zegu, Sagnarigu, on Monday 22nd March 2010, GHANEP saw it necessary to revive and promote soccer which was recommended by the Dohini community members. Thus, a civil society team comprising GHANEP members engaged the community in a fun game. The non-factional team and community members of Bamvim being sensitized to be non-violentThough the scores were 6-2 against GHANEP, the technical support as well as physical presence of stakeholders such as the Regional Sports Council, Ghana Red Cross Society, Action Aid Ghana, and representatives of both community chiefs made the activity a huge success.

Both feuding chiefs were more than glad that GHANEP had revived the games in the community which was interlaced with peace education talks. As part of contributions to kick start the games and to increase community interaction through soccer, two footballs were presented by GHANEP to the community.