Togo -- Transitional Crisis in Togo: Constitutional Violation & Unequivocal Stance of International Community [February 11, 2005]

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In one of our situational analyses in June 2003, we predicted that “…Despite his earlier concession to opposition pressure to step down at the end of the last mandate and contrary to constitutional provisions, President Eyadema rescinded his promise, changed the constitution to his liking, and rigged the elections for another mandate… The only lesson Eyadema seems to have taken from his somewhat brief mediating role in the Cote d’Ivoire conflict was perhaps the desire to die in power in much the same way as Houphouet-Boigny.” This prediction has unveiled.

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Cote d’Ivoire -- October 30 Presidential Elections: Intricacies And Threats [July 8, 2005]

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Though the Ivorian peace process has come a long way, it remains delicate and fragile. The flagged issues of ivorité, marginalization, legitimacy, and xenophobia have gradually been overshadowed by two key contentions, namely: disarmament of irregular forces and elections. Meeting in Pretoria1, South Africa, April 3-6, 2005, the protagonists of the Ivorian crisis resolved, albeit under pressure, to sink their differences and move the peace process forward. President Thabo Mbeki has braced all the odds2 and remained a resolute and firm mediator thanks to the support he enjoys from the ECOWAS, AU, EU and UN, coupled with the respect and acceptability he enjoys within the protagonist circle. What has been dubbed Pretoria I outlined practical steps towards the implementation of the Marcoussis (framework) settlement and the subsequent Accra Agreements. The impasse that ensued after Pretoria I compelled President Mbeki to convene another fence mending meeting between the principal actors of the Ivorian crisis (Pretoria II) on June 28-29, 2005.

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Cote d’Ivoire -- Post Yamoussoukro ‘Big 5’ Assessment: Opportunities & Emerging Hurdles [June 13, 2006]

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The historic meeting of the five key political actors of the Ivorian crisis at the Felix Houphouet Boigny Foundation for Peace Research on February 27-28 2006, in Yamoussoukro ushered in a new dawn and rekindled hope in the peace process in Cote d’Ivoire. Chaired by the new Prime Minister of consensus, Charles Konan Banny, the significance of the meeting resided in the fact that the belligerents were meeting on Ivorian soil for the first time, since the out break of the violent conflict in September 2002. Within the framework of UN Resolution 1633 of the Security Council and the road map to peace in Cote d’Ivoire traced by President Thabo Mbeki and endorsed by the International Working Group (IWG), Charles Konan Banny has undertaken a number of initiatives in this regard. It had become clear that the Ivorian crisis needed an Ivorian of unique calibre and integrity, capable of rallying key political actors, to envision a new direction and future with peace as the cardinal focus. The top-notch banker appears to be the one. In his first public pronouncement after his appointment, Konan Banny raised what WANEP in its antecedent briefs evoked: mutual trust and confidence that had eluded the divided and polarized country. “I hope that trust will return to this country,” Banny lamented.

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Cote d'Ivoire -- Post October 30, 2005: “Making the Horse Drink” [October 31, 2005]

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In its official communiqué on October 6, 2005, the 40th Meeting of the Peace and Security Council of the Africa Union (AU) noted that significant progress has been achieved in the peace process in Cote d'Ivoire through the implementation of the Lina-Marcoussis, Accra III and Pretoria Agreements (Pretoria I & II) and maintained that additional measures are required "to expedite the implementation of the outstanding issues, in particular the dismantling and disarmament of the militias, the DDR and the creation of conditions for holding free, fair and transparent elections, based on the road-map to elections elaborated by the AU Mediator".

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Togo -- La Réconciliation Nationale au Togo: un Processus Dynamique [July 4, 2006]

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Le Togo a commencé son processus de démocratisation au début des années 90. Ce processus a connu à ses débuts des avancées positives qui n’ont été que de très courte durée. L´euphorie suscitée par la démocratisation de la vie sociopolitique du Togo au sortir de la conférence nationale a très vite cédé le pas au désespoir amer. Le processus étant mal assumé, a conduit à des chambardements politiques, et surtout à des violences excessives. Les abus graves et répétés de l’appareil étatique et le non respect des engagements internationaux ont conduit l’Union Européenne à rompre sa coopération avec le Togo en 1992.

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