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Annual
Report 2001
Insights:
The Persistence of Social Violence in Nigeria
Two years ago I made a sweep ing statement at a seminar with 40
young people from the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I told the
youths who appeared enthusiastic about our seminar that the violence
in their society was much more difficult to heal than the one
I have worked with in Sierra Leone. Surprisingly for me, I immediately
lost the young people after this statement. They took me to task
and disagreed vehemently. I honestly regretted the statement and
blamed it on my usual spontaneity.
However, two years after that sweeping statement I still cannot
convince myself that it holds no truth. Instead, more and more
I am convinced that the violence in Nigeria will be more difficult
to heal than the terrible atrocity I have seen in Sierra Leone.
The difference between the two countries is that Sierra Leone’s
violence is primarily political while the one in Nigeria is social.
That one is political or social does not suggest that their manifestations
are necessarily different. They both ravage communities, destroy
lives and properties and grossly violate the sanctity of life.
However, political violence is the violence that is ignited and
enabled for political motives. The prize for this brutal contestation
is the control of state power. As long as power is in question
and is there for the taking, political violence will rage on.
Because political violence threatens the state, international
diplomacy has some remedy for it. For example organizing elections
to transform the violence into a more noble and acceptable competition
and the imposition of sanction on noncompliant groups have been
used to end political violence.
In Sierra Leone’s political struggle there was less and less manipulation
of social difference. The conflict did not polarise the society
nor did it thrust itself in the psyches of groups. The slogan
is still clear—that the rebels are fighting to stamp out corruption
and to establish good governance and that Liberia’s Charles Taylor
is to blame. The violators of human rights are not associated
with any tribe. They are essentially members of groups that are
held responsible for their crimes. The groups themselves are political
and military entities whose members are drawn from every tribe.
In another seminar, Dr. ChiChi Catherine Aniagolu, a young Nigerian
scholar who served as a professor in Ireland before returning
home, lamented at the terrible devaluation of life in her country.
Many prefer to seek their own justice because they have lost confidence
in the state. Even state officials constantly organize their own
private security. Hundreds of lives are lost periodically in inter-ethnic
and inter-religious violence while youths made disgruntled in
the Niger Delta now see violence as the only way out. Others who
are lucky enough to attend university prefer the security offered
in cults—cults that also romanticise violence.
Political violence is driven by interest while social violence
is driven by need. In social violence people are fighting to exist.
Social violence first attacks the soul (or mind) and plants the
sense of unsafety. Thereafter, it forces its victim to begin to
wonder about the dignity of life; thus leading to dehumanisation
of self and others.
In the state of dehumanisation and insecurity, individuals cling
to groups with whom they share an identity marker that has gained
prominence in the violence. All other forms of identification
disappear and the individual only sees him/herself by the marker
that is threatened or one that provides some sense of safety whether
perceived or real.
Memory, a composite of our individual and collective identity
is wounded and at times collapses. In other words, social violence
stripes one of his/her humanity and replaces it with inhumanity.
And as long as the society loses its sense of humanity, it is
bound for the furnace of violence.
The distinction between the two does not suggest that they always
exist in separate time and space. In fact they almost always inspire
each other. Long political struggle that exploits social difference
soon transforms into social violence; while more social violence
are often the exploitative and manipulative gimmicks of politicians.
Throughout history, politicians have always exploited social violence
or the history of social violence. Nigeria is a typical example.
Why wasn’t the Sh’ariah altercation more prominent when Northerners
ruled the country for nearly two decades? Since social violence
is often exploited to keep politicians in power, they always keep
it away from the limelight to avoid international outcry. It still
puzzles me why very little effort is made to prosecute those who
instigate and perpetrate religious and ethnic violence in Nigeria.
Even when over five hundred people are killed, life returns to
‘normal’ once the Federal Army stops the violence. We have not
heard of any religious or ethnic leader being prosecuted for social
violence nor has there been concerted effort to resolve disputes
between groups in the country.
In homes, in the streets, and in people’s relationships and psyches
violence is creeping and is firmly establishing itself in Africa’s
most populous and West Africa’s strongest state. A more collaborative
effort is required to mitigate this terrible scenario and it will
take Nigerians who are willing to rise above the tendency to deny,
to roll off their sleeves, and get to work!
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